The First Amendment to the United States Constitution reads,
“Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of
religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of
speech, or of the press; or of the right of the people to freely assemble, and
to petition the government for a redress of grievances.”
Those are a lot of freedoms to pack into a single sentence,
and far too many to discuss in a single essay, but that’s not a problem, given
that the freedoms that I planned to talk about today are the freedom of speech
and, in that context, freedom of the press.
I view those as the bedrock on which the other freedoms are
built, since a government that can shelter itself from criticism, and can make such criticism a crime, or at least subject to severe civil penalty,
is a government that can, for the most part, also shelter itself from accountability.
A free press, in all of its messy and undisciplined glory,
is the beating heart of a free state.
The United States Supreme Court has long recognized the
important connection between free speech, a free press, and public
participation in the governing process. Its
1957 decision in Roth v. United States noted that the First Amendment’s
free speech protection
“was fashioned to assure unfettered interchange of ideas for the
bringing about of political and social changes desired by the people,”
while
its older, 1931 decision in Stromberg v. California stated that
“The maintenance of the opportunity for free political
discussion to the end that government may be responsive to the will of the
people and that changes may be made by lawful means, an opportunity essential
to the security of the Republic, is a fundamental principle of our
constitutional system.”
“is a prized American privilege to speak one’s mind, although
not always with perfect good taste, on all public institutions.”
“profound national commitment to the principle that debate on
public issues should be uninhibited, robust, and wide-open, and that it may
well include vehement, caustic, and sometimes unpleasantly sharp attacks on
government and public officials,”
and found that
“The constitutional guarantees require…a federal rule that
prohibits a public official from recovering damages for a defamatory falsehood
relating to his official conduct unless he proves that the statement was made
with ‘actual malice’—that is, with knowledge that it was false or with reckless
disregard of whether it was false or not.”
Thus, the court set an appropriately high bar, to best
guarantee the press’ ability to investigate, report on, and comment on
government actions, to shine bright sunlight into the darkest corners of
the bureaucracy and so keep the public fully informed on what is going on.
Freedom of the press is an important right, guaranteed by
the nation’s highest court. But what is
equally important, if the public is to be fully informed, is that the press
live up to its obligation to accurately report what’s going on, and not shelter
behind the First Amendment’s shield while intentionally or carelessly perverting the public’s
perception of events.
Such obligation, which cannot and should not be codified, is
frequently ignored by today’s media, and probably nowhere more often than in
the angling press, where editorial efforts to undermine the federal fishery management
system, disguised as editorials or even, sometimes, as objective reporting, are
commonly seen.
But I’m raising the issue again, for about a week ago, I came
across an article in a Delaware newspaper that was so dismayingly filled with unjustified,
and uninformed, vitriol that a friend all the way down in the Gulf of Mexico
asked if I had seen it.
It was that bad.
“I know some of you will read this just until I explain how
our fishing regulations work, and then your eyes will glaze over and you will
move on to the classified ads. Please
don’t do that, especially if you are a saltwater fisherman. Our sport is in jeopardy of being ruined by a
bunch of bureaucrats who have never caught a saltwater fish and have only seen
them in photos. They are using a set of
numbers developed by a fatally flawed system known as the Marine Recreational
Information Program or MRIP.”
It's hard to count all the misinformation in that single
paragraph, but it’s easy to discern the author’s intent. Everything that follows will be just another
rant that fishery managers’ data is bad, fishery managers aren’t fishermen and
don’t know what they’re talking about, and that the data-gathering process—MRIP—is unreliable. Allegations will be strewn hither and yon, while supporting proof will not be found.
Even so, that sort of rant can cause real harm, when people
believe the writers’ unfounded claims and lose faith in the management process.
In fact, the writers’ claims, which continue throughout the
piece, aren’t merely unfounded, ut demonstrably wrong.
Even the author's basic premise, that the sport of saltwater angling “is in jeopardy of being ruined” by the regulatory proposal to reduce black sea bass landings by 28 percent, is way, way over the top.
Right now, Delaware anglers may retain 15 black sea bass each day, with a minimum size of 12 ½ inches and a season that runs from May 15-December 31. As a recreational fisherman in New York, I’m fishing on a 3-fsh bag limit (7 after September 1), a 15-inch size limit and a season that doesn’t open until June 23. The regulations in Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, although slightly different, average out to be much the same. So pardon me if I don’t believe that cutting Delaware’s bag, even by half a dozen or so fish, and/or adding an inch to its size limit, constitutes “ruining” the sport. Especially when the rules for summer flounder will probably be eased this season. And let’s not forget that, thanks to the same “bureaucrats” that the writer derides, beginning in 2023 recreational fishermen in Delaware, and everywhere else in the mid-Atlantic and New England, will be getting a larger share of the black sea bass, scup, and summer flounder catch than they did before.
That hardly sounds ruinous to me, but to move on:
The Marine Recreational Information Program is not“fatally flawed.” That is a phrase originally leveled at MRIP's predecessor, the Marine Recreational
Fishing Statistics Survey, by the
Chair of a National Academy of Sciences panel reviewing the earlier
program. Criticisms of such program may
be found in the National Academies Press’ 2006 publication, Review of
Recreational Fisheries Survey Methods.
The
Marine Recreational Information Program, on the other hand, received a
generally favorable review from another National Academy of Sciences panel in
2017, which is available as the Review of the Marine Recreational
Information Program (also published by the National Academies Press, with text
available online). The phrase “fatally
flawed” has only been applied to MRIP by a handful of disgruntled outdoor
writers; persons capable of understanding the National Academy’s 2017 report would
never commit such an error.
Thus, when that same Delaware author makes comments such as
“if NMFS used this data to indicate if the fish population
were going up or down, that would be bad enough, but no, they use their figures
as if they were an actual count of the number of fish recreational fishermen
caught during a certain time period,”
and
“when figuring out the sea bass recreational quota, which
they call the Total Allowable Landings, the fish counters took the bad data
from the new MRIP and applied even worse data from the old MRIP, and decided
that recreational fishermen had overfished their quota and had to pay it back
by giving up a 28 percent decrease in 2022,”
he not only demonstrates his lack of understanding about how
the management process works (e.g., averaging recreational landings for three
consecutive years did show that anglers exceeded the average annual catch limit
for that period, triggering accountability measures, but those measures did not
require anglers to “pay it back” with a 28 percent reduction; instead, the
reduction was simply needed to keep anglers from overfishing in 2022, which was
all that the accountability measures required) but, far worse, misled his
readers into believing that there were real problems with both MRIP and the
management process, undoubtedly causing some of them to unjustifiably lose
faith in federal fishery managers.
The Supreme Court has said on multiple occasions that he
has a First Amendment right to do just that.
In discussing federal fishery management policy, he has the right to be vehement,
caustic, unpleasant—and wrong.
The article in question checked off all of those blocks.
But there is something that ought to accompany rights,
although in today’s age, it too seldom does.
That thing is responsibility.
In the fisheries arena, many anglers, unfamiliar with the
fishery management process, rely on the angling press to lead the way. When editors and writers fail to do so—when instead
of doing the research and telling the truth, even if that truth is presented in
a somewhat slanted way they spread misdirection and falsehood--in order to push
their own views, or those of their advertisers, on trusting readers, they do a
disservice to both their readers and to the First Amendment, which should
promote a vigorous, informed discussion of pending issues.
As someone who was first published in the angling press
nearly 50 years ago, and has been involved in public fisheries debates for
about as long, I believe that it is good when people dissent, and healthy when
people disagree.
But I also believe that integrity matters, and that it is detestable for anyone to hide
behind the First Amendment’s shield, and intentionally, or ignorantly, mislead others.
Yet in the angling press, the detestable has become, far too
often, routine.
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