Sunday, July 5, 2026

SOUTH ATLANTIC RED SNAPPER: WHEN THE LAW AND THE SCIENCE ARE NOT ON YOUR SIDE

 

Back in the late 1970s, when I was in my final year at law school, I got a part-time job with a firm that specialized in corporate governance.  Most of the work was pretty mundane, and involved calling stockholders to make sure they’d received their proxy materials, or in the case of a corporate takeover, whether they received the information statement and understood how to tender their shares for either cash or shares in the surviving company.

But once in a while things got heated, when a slate of dissident shareholders tried to oust corporate management, or when a company launched a takeover of another company that did not  particularly want to be taken over by anyone.

I ended up staying with the firm for a few years after graduation, at first keeping the part-time gig, then taking a full-time job at its Manhattan headquarters, where I had an inside seat on such things as the leveraged buyout era of the early 1980s, the savings and loan insolvency crisis, and a few other newsworthy events.  But perhaps the most intense corporate fight I ever took part in involved Texas Air Corporation taking over Continental Airlines.

It was a weird combination, as Texas Air was a union-busting operator of low-cost airlines, while Continental was a highly-regarded full service airline with a large, unionized workforce.  But Texas Air offered a good enough price that Continental stockholders were more than willing to sell a clear majority of the outstanding shares, and grant an irrevocable proxies that ensured that Texas Air could control the vote at any shareholder meeting.

Continental’s takeover seemed inevitable, but in a desperate, last-minute effort to avoid it, Continental implored the Texas Congressional delegation to introduce a private bill that would prevent the takeover from taking place.

The effort failed, and Continental’s chairman, who apparently had a little too much of his identity tied up in the company and in his job, ended up shooting himself to death in his office.

Today, I can’t help but recall those days, when I see the recreational fishing industry appealing to Congress to grant them an extended recreational red snapper season in the South Atlantic, after they failed to make a credible case using science or the law.

Science certainly didn’t help them. 

The best available data suggests that recreational fishermen landed about 36,000 South Atlantic red snapper over the course of a two-day season last year, exceeding an annual catch limit of 29,656 fish, and released about 1,400,000.  The landings number contains a significant level of uncertainty, but the percent standard error—the measure of uncertainty—in the release figure is 20, a reasonably low figure and one deemed completely suitable for management work.

And that’s important, because the biggest cause of red snapper fishing mortality is release mortality—the number of fish that die after anglers return them to the water—which dwarfs the number of red snapper that anglers actually take home.  Since, in recent years, the recreational red snapper season was closed for 363 or 364 days of the year, but fishing for other bottom fish that share the same habitat continues, it’s reasonable that such release mortality can be very high.  When setting the recreational and commercial catch limits, the National Marine Fisheries Service sets aside 475,000 red snapper solely for dead discards, and then allocates the remaining fish—from an original annual catch limit of 509,000—between the two sectors, thus making recreational landings a very small part of the entire mortality picture.

The angling industry-connected organizations—the American Sportfishing Association, Coastal Conservation Association, Center for Sportfishing Policy, and the rest—are trying to throw shade on the science produced by the National Marine Fisheries Service, arguing that

“the discard data comes from the Marine Recreational Information Program (MRIP) survey and is the only non-validated data in the catch survey.  It is well-known that these self-reported numbers are subject to digit bias and perhaps extreme digit bias.  When many fish are being caught and released on a trip, people have a tendency to stop counting by individual fish and start counting by number blocks (fives or tens) and they generally round upwards.  Additionally, recall bias can exacerbate the digit bias.  Whether this bias runs high or low is unknown, although experts familiar with these survey methods believe that this process and anglers’ natural behavior (exaggeration) skews it in the high direction.”

While someone reading that statement might come away with the impression that MRIP discard data is particularly unreliable—exactly the impression that the industry spokesman wanted to create—let’s look at it a little closer and see what it really going on.

First, the industry claims that the MRIP discard data is “non-validated.”  Well, of course it is!  The fish were returned to the water, so unless there was a fishery observer on board, or cameras running throughout the trip, placed in a way that they recorded every fish brought into the boat and so could reveal whether those fish were kept or released, surveyors have no choice but to take the anglers’ word about what was discarded.

Verification/validation is practically impossible.

But the thing to remember is that, absent observers or cameras, discards will always be non-validated, even in the state data systems that the industry touts.  There is no way to know for certain how many red snapper might have been released offshore; even if the state creates an smartphone app that supposedly tracks every fish, if the angler, whether forgetfully or intentionally, fails to log a fish on the app, that app will undercount releases, and there is no sort of validation that can detect the unreported fish.

So “non-validated” is just a red herring.

The industry comment also uses a lot of weasel words:  Perhaps extreme digit bias.”  “People “have a tendency” to stop counting, and “generally” round upward (although no support for the latter assertion was ever provided).  “Recall bias can exacerbate the digit bias.”  The industry comment never clearly states that any of those things are actually occurring; instead, it merely raises possibilities intended to sow doubt in people’s minds.

And, again, we’re not told how state-sponsored data collection systems can avoid the same problems.

Similarly, we are told that “experts familiar with these survey methods believe that this process and anglers’ natural behavior (exaggeration) skews it in the high direction,” but what we’re never told is precisely who the supposed “experts” are.  And that matters, because the beliefs of PhD-level statisticians familiar with the current survey process—folks like the people who developed MRIP—are a lot more credible than a gaggle of industry-related “experts” with an agenda.  Without knowing the “experts’” identities, and either reading their papers or knowing the context in which their beliefs were expressed, the statement is essentially meaningless.

But one thing in the industry comment is meaningful, and that’s the comment that “When many fish are being caught and released on a trip, people have a tendency to stop counting by individual fish…” because that comment is a tacit admission that people are catching, and releasing, a lot of red snapper, and that admission certainly makes it more likely that a lot of red snapper are being released, and that anglers are generating a lot of dead discards, contrary to the industry’s assertions.  (An industry press release, analyzed in detail later in this post, also states that “Anglers bottom fishing in the region often find it difficult to avoid red snapper due to their high abundance,” which seems to confirm that many, many red snapper are being released each year.)

If we accept NMFS’ estimate of 1.4 million red snapper released in the South Atlantic over the course of 2025, if we assume that every fish released was released with a descending device to counter barotrauma (which is a very generous assumption, as it is likely that some percentage of the red snapper released—whether a small percentage or a majority of the fish, it’s impossible to know—were either vented or just tossed back into the water to float away and die), and if we accept the findings of a study published just a few months ago, which found that 29% of the red snapper released with a descender (and 46.8% of the red snapper released without either venting or a descender) die within 48 hours of release, then the recreational sector probably generated about 406,000 dead discards, somewhat below the 475,000 number predicted by NMFS. 

However, given that the number of releases in 2025 was unusually low, and that the average number of releases for the past five years, 2021 through 2025, was about 2.2 million, and given the conclusion of the previously-cited study, that 29% of released fish (provided a descender is used) die within 48 hours of release, those 2.2 million releases would generate about 638,000 dead discards, well over the 475,000 estimated by NMFS, and well above the 509,000 red snapper that constitute the annual catch limit.

The fishing tackle industry doesn’t like that dead discard number, so it tries to raise doubt as to its validity, but the plain truth is that the industry has not been able to produce any statistically valid data to refute NMFS’s estimate that anglers produce about 475,000 dead, discarded red snapper each year; it can only try to raise doubts about why that figure might be wrong.

So the science is definitely not on the recreational fishing industry’s side.

That makes it difficult to prevail on the law, since the Magnuson-Stevens Fishery Conservation and Management Act is built around science-driven fisheries management.

Thus, after NMFS issued (or was ordered to issue) exempted fishing permits to the four South Atlantic states, which would have allowed their anglers to ignore the annual catch limit for South Atlantic red snapper, and so would have resulted in those anglers overfishing the red snapper stock by as much as 2,000%, it was relatively easy for a federal district court judge to issue a temporary injunction after commercial fishing interests sued, challenging the exempted fishing permits’ validity.

Two of the recreational fishing industry groups, the Coastal Conservation Association and the American Sportfishing Association, intervened in the lawsuit, their spokesmen saying things like

“For years, anglers have faced extremely limited red snapper seasons despite the stock rebuilding far ahead of schedule.  These pilot programs represent a transformational opportunity to improve recreational data collection, expand reasonable public access and advance state-led management approaches that have already proved successful in the Gulf.  ASA is intervening to protect that progress for recreational anglers and the sportfishing industry.”

And

“These pilot programs are about creating an improved recreational data collection and management framework for recreational fisheries, while maintaining strong conservation standards.  Recreational fishermen have waited for years for management that reflects the stock’s rebuilt status and current abundance trends.  The states are stepping up with more responsive management and better data collection, and we believe that effort deserves strong support.”

But neither organization wanted to talk about the 475,000 (or perhaps more) dead discards created by anglers every year, perhaps hoping that one of the new state data collection programs might find a way to pretend the discards didn’t occur.  And neither organization could come up with an answer to how eliminating the annual catch limit, and allowing overfishing, would maintain “strong conservation standards.”

One of the applicants for an exempted fishing permit, the State of Florida, even went so far as to argue that

“There is nothing in the Magnuson-Stevens Act (MSA) that dictates an EFP’s harvest be included in annual catch limits.”

The judge, however, disagreed, apparently believing, unlike the recreational fishing industry, that overfishing, for any reason, is a bad thing—not to mention illegal.  In a long opinion that stated, among other things, that

“at a minimum, each EFP the agency issues—including data collection projects—must ‘address’ (i.e., ‘to give attention to or deal with a matter or problem’) the ‘needs’ (i.e., ‘necessary dut[ies] or obligation[s]’) Congress identified within Chapter 38 [of Magnuson-Stevens], several of which emphasize the need to prevent overfishing.  This is evident from the plain language of the statutes concerning EFPs, their titles, and their place within the overall scheme…

“Because Section 1867 requires EFPs to be consistent with the MSA, as explained above, the NFMSA [sic] must consider whether granting an EFP application would lead to overfishing or implicate other conservation concerns.  The regulations governing EFPs require the NMFS to do the same.  Plaintiffs, however, contend that the government granted the States’ EFP applications without grappling with the evidence that EFPs would lead to overfishing.  The Court agrees, the Government ‘failed to consider an important aspect of the problem’ and thus ‘offered an explanation for its decision that runs counter to evidence before the agency…’”

“[W]hile the Court agrees with the Government that Congress, through Section 1867(d), authorized the NMFS to ‘create an expedited, uniform, and regionally-based process to promote issuance, when practicable, of experimental fishing permits, the Court does not find that Congress gave the Government unbridled discretion to circumvent MSA and the fishery management plan framework through the EFP process.  ‘Congress does not alter the fundamental details of a regulatory scheme in vague terms or ancillary provisions—it does not, one might say, hide elephants in mouseholes.  And it is more than a little doubtful that Congress would have tucked into this particular mousehole of [Section 1867(b)] an elephant that tramples the work done by [the MSA and the fishery management plans].’  As Amicus Curiae aptly observes, ‘nothing in [Section 1867(b)]…gives the [NMFS] general authority to exempt fishing activities from any legal requirements…let alone indicate[s] that Congress meant for [EFPs] to become a vehicle to deregulate fisheries…’  As explained above, EFPs must ‘address’ the ‘needs’ identified under the MSA—not provide an escape hatch from them.  Such needs include the overarching requirement that fisheries be managed to prevent and end overfishing.  [citations omitted]”

That’s powerful language, and it made it very clear that the law was not on the fishing tackle industry’s side either.

Thus, while it might be a little unfair to restate Samuel Johnson’s famed quote, to say that “Congress is the last refuge of a scoundrel,” such aphorism is probably applicable here. 

Because, while completely unable to prove that their long-sought exempted fishing permits will not lead to significant overfishing of the South Atlantic red snapper stock, and having also been completely unable to convince a judge that the permits’ issuance complied with the law, the recreational fishing industry is now turning its sights on Congress, hoping that legislators will be willing to change the rules of the game so that anglers might overfish South Atlantic red snapper with impunity, despite the provisions of Magnuson-Stevens.

On June 29, the American Sportfishing Association issued a press release announcing that

“Recreational Fishing Leaders Visit Capitol Hill to Urge Action on South Atlantic Red Snapper.”

The release went on to say,

“Recreational fishing and boating leaders from Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, and North Carolina were in Washington, D.C. last week for a South Atlantic red snapper fly-in hosted by the American Sportfishing Association (ASA), Center for Sportfishing Policy (CSP), Coastal Conservation Association (CCA), Congressional Sportsmen’s Foundation (CSF) and National Marine Manufacturers Association (NMMA).

“Fly-in participants met with 30 congressional offices from across the South Atlantic region to discuss the urgent need to secure a meaningful 2026 Atlantic red snapper season and advance longer-term reforms that improve recreational data collection and provide more reasonable access for anglers and fishing dependent businesses.  [emphasis added]”

In other words, they were speaking with congressional staff, and perhaps with some of the members themselves, about how to overfish the South Atlantic red snapper stock and ignore the 475,000 dead discards, despite the clear language of Magnuson-Stevens.

And why they want to do that is pretty well spelled out in the line, “more reasonable access for…fishing dependent businesses:”  The companies that make up the American Sportfishing Association and National Marine Manufacturers Association want to sell more stuff.

Even if that means overfishing the South Atlantic red snapper stock.

The American Sportfishing Association release claims that

“In recent days, the four South Atlantic states have moved to withdraw the original EFPs to pursue revised proposals that account for the court’s ruling and updated technical guidance,”

and if that were all that were happening, everything would be fine.  The states would have to estimate how many red snapper would be killed as a result of the exempted fishing permits, state seasons would be crafted to avoid overfishing, and the annual catch limit of 509,000 red snapper would be respected.  Presumably, the recreational red snapper season would be closed once the recreational catch limit was reached.

But the very next words of the ASA were,

“The recreational fishing community is urging NOAA, the states and Congress to work quickly to preserve a meaningful 2026 fishing opportunity while retaining the core purpose of the EFPs; testing better state data systems that can support improved management and access.  [emphasis added]”

That pretty much undercuts the notion that the states were just trying to comply with the court order and with NMFS’ regulations, because you don’t need Congress stepping in to do that.  The only thing that you need Congress to do is change the applicable law, so that something that would have been illegal—say, issuing EFPs knowing that they would lead to overfishing—is suddenly deemed to be OK.

Once again, the industry makes its motivation clear, talking about “a meaningful 2026 fishing opportunity” and “access,” with state management systems included as a sort of afterthought.

All in all, the phrase “meaningful 2026 season,” or something quite like it, appears in the release six separate times.  At the same time, the release refuses to accept any responsibility for the 475,000 dead discards and their impact on the recreational season, saying

“Anglers bottom fishing in the region often find it difficult to avoid red snapper due to their high abundance.  In recent years, however, the recreational season has often been limited to just one or two days, largely because of persistent shortcomings in the recreational data.  [emphasis added]”

Because that’s the industry’s primary, and perhaps only, strategy:  Blame the data, even if you can’t prove that it’s wrong.  The only other option is taking responsibility for the 475,000 dead discards, and taking responsibility for harming the stock is something that the fishing tackle industry and the anglers’ rights groups like CCA have never, ever had the courage or the integrity to do.

And so they retreat to their last refuge, knowing that they will lose on the science, and will lose on the law, but might still win in Congress, where years of campaign contributions and political connections count far more than science or law ever could.

Hopefully, their appeal is too late. 

Hopefully, long congressional recesses, paired with the need to raise campaign funds and the need to explain two years of inaction, political cowardice, and occasional malfeasance to constituents back home ahead of the mid-term elections, will leave the majority of the folks in Congress too busy trying to save their jobs to get involved in red snapper issues.

But hope is not a plan, and there is still a discomfiting chance that Congress might do the wrong thing and so allow the EFPs to go through.

 

 

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