Those of us who can still recall
our high school—and maybe even junior high school—English classes can probably
remember reading George
Orwell’s Animal Farm, and that novel’s oft-quoted line,
“All animals are equal, but some are more
equal than others.”
It now appears that the
Mid-Atlantic Fishery Management Council and the Atlantic States Marine
Fisheries Commission’s Bluefish and Summer Flounder, Scup, and Black Sea Bass management
boards are considering extending that sort of "equality" to anglers in New
England and the mid-Atlantic regions.
“The Commission and Council will consider
whether recreational sector separation could help tailor management to the
varying preferences, data availability, and economic considerations of each
component of the recreational fishery.
Currently, the private and for-hire recreational sectors are managed as
a single unit and are held to a single, combined recreational harvest
target. Management measures are
typically developed and adjusted for the recreational fishery as a whole. However, the two sectors have different
motivations, preferences, fishing behaviors, operational needs, and data
reporting requirements. Some
recreational fishery participants have expressed an interest in recreational
sector separation, which would entail managing the for-hire and private sectors
of the recreational fishery separately.
This could potentially allow managers to better tailor management to the
needs and preferences of each sector while allowing for improved utilization of
the data provided by the for-hire sector.
Through this amendment, the Council and Commission intend to explore
whether recreational sector separation is appropriate for these fisheries.”
Before looking at sector separation more closely, it might make sense to consider the roles of the shore, private boat, and for-hire fisheries with respect to the four managed species.
Although some of the MRIP data
used to derive such percentages includes a very substantial degree of
uncertainty, the percentages are very consistent from year to
year, so are probably fairly accurate. The greatest variation is found in the scup estimates,
where the percentage of for-hire trips ranges from a low of 1.3% to a high of 3.3%, but even there, it is clear
that anglers on for-hire vessels comprise a very small part of the overall
recreational fishery.
On the other hand, those for-hire
anglers can account for a disproportionately large proportion of the
catch. That is particularly noticeable
in the bluefish fishery where, despite accounting for only 0.9% of all direcrted recreational trips, the for-hire fleet accounts for 5.3% of the recreational
bluefish landings; scup also sees a significant disparity, with the fleet
accounting for 2.3% of the trips, but 9.2% of the entire recreational harvest.
“Recreational fishermen have a serious
problem brewing within our ranks. There
is a small segment of the for-hire recreational fishery that would like to
steal fish from the rest of us because they believe having more fish added to
their bag limit would put more people on their boats. They did this with bluefish by dividing the
bag limits so that private boats and those of us who fish from shore may only
keep three blues per day while charter and head boats may keep five blues per
person.”
Mr. Burnley lives in Delaware, a
state that lacks a significant scup fishery, but if he fished up here in the
northeast, he would also know that scup
anglers on for-hire boats also get special privileges denied to the other 97%
of the scup fishing community, in the form of a so-called “bonus season” that
runs for 60 days and allows for-hire anglers in states between New York and
Massachusetts to retain 40 scup per day, as opposed to the 30 scup limit that
applies to everyone else.
Given such special privileges, it’s
not surprising that for-hire anglers account for such a disproportionate share
of the recreational scup and bluefish harvests.
The last thing we need is to see the same thing happen in the summer
flounder and black sea bass fisheries.
Because in the end,
fisheries management is a zero-sum game.
If you give someone more fish, either through an increased allocation or
more liberal regulations, it means that someone else is going to have to get
less.
And the public shouldn’t have to accept
a lesser share of a public resource just because a portion of that resource has
been taken away from them in order to subsidize a handful of private
businesses.
Using scup as an example, there can be a very big disparity between the number of fish retained on each trip by anglers
belonging to the various sectors. For
the period 2021 through 2023, shore-based anglers
kept an average of 2.5 scup per trip, while private boat anglers retained an
average of 9.7. However, the per-trip
retention rate for the for-hire fleet was far higher, with party and charter
boat anglers keeping an average of 21.6 and 28.7 scup per trip, respectively
(it should be noted that, because not all scup are caught on trips primarily
targeting them, the per-trip numbers for all four sub-sectors of the
recreational fishery, which are based on directed scup trips, are skewed to the
high side; nevertheless, there would still be a big difference between the per-trip harvest of
the private versus the for-hire sector even if fish caught on non-directed
trips could be filtered out).
That’s all fine if overall
recreational landings remain low enough that recreational management measures
may remain unchanged. However, should it
be necessary to reduce recreational landings, no distinction is made between
the private and for-hire anglers; even if for-hire anglers made a
proportionately higher contribution to the overage, harvesting more fish per
angler than other recreational fishermen, they are not required to make the
same proportionately higher contribution to any resulting reduction. Thus, one of the scenarios considered in the
recently-released scoping document, an option that
“would focus only on processes for setting
different management measures by recreational sector, without separate
allocations of catch or harvest,”
is inherently inequitable, to the
extent that it does not link more liberal management measures for the
privileged for-hire sector with more restrictive management measures for that
same sector, compared to less-privileged anglers, should an overage occur.
It could, in theory, get all of those things
under a sector separation protocol, that merely adopts different management measures
for for-hire anglers, but allows them to fish on the same allocation as other
recreational fishermen. In such case, regulations
for shore-based and private-boat anglers would have to be made more restrictive
to avoid exceeding whatever limitations on catch and/or landings might apply.
Typically, fishery managers
employ a combination of three tools—bag limits, size limits, and seasons—to manage
a recreational fishery. It is thus easy
to argue that if
managers truly believe that the for-hire fleet needs a larger bag limit, then equity
requires that such managers impose an offsetting size limit or season to create what the ASMFC might deem “conservation equivalent” regulations that
maintain overall parity between for-hire and shore-based and private boat
anglers.
It is highly unlikely that the
for-hire sector would be pleased with whatever conservation equivalent
regulations might result from such approach.
Arguably, the other option
proposed in the scoping document, separate allocations for each sector, would
provide a more level playing field than would a grant of special and exclusive
privileges to for-hire anglers. As the
document explains,
“There are several ways in which separate
allocations could be created for the for-hire and private recreational
sectors. Separate allocations would
ultimately result in managing these components of the fishery differently,
using differing management measures.
Potential allocations could be made on the basis of catch (includes both
harvest and dead discards; e.g., separate annual catch limits) or landings
(harvest only; e.g., separate recreational harvest limits). Options to be considered may include separate
annual catch limit (ACL) allocations, separate recreational sub-ACL
allocations, or separate recreational harvest limits (RHLs). These options may
require development of corresponding accountability measures.”
“fishing from a vessel carrying a
passenger for hire…who is engaged in recreational fishing.”
Given that definition, if
managers insist on imposing sector separation on the recreational fishery, it
would make the most sense to completely separate the sectors, and provide
separate Annual Catch Limits, along with associated Accountability Measures,
for commercial fishermen, recreational fishermen, and charter fishermen, so
that an overage by any one of the sectors would be addressed by sector-specific
Accountability Measures.
Thus, if the charter fishing
sector successfully argued for overly liberal regulations that led to that
sector catching too many fish and exceeding its Annual Catch Limit, the
shore-based and private boat anglers would not have to give up fish to feed the
for-hires’ hunger; instead, only the charter fishing sector would be held
accountable—and, of course, should the recreational sector catch enough fish to
trigger accountability measures, which often occurs, those accountability
measures would not affect the for-hire fleet.
Of course, allocating fish
between the recreational and charter fishing sectors would be a contentious
process, as allocation debates are always among the most rancorous of any in
fisheries management. Common sense would
just base the allocation on recent—say, the past five years'—percentages of the
overall angling catch taken by the recreational and charter fishing sectors, but
it’s not hard to predict that the for-hires would want a bigger slice of the
pie, and argue that the allocations should consider an earlier time when there
were more for-hire boats in operation, those boats drew more passengers, and
the charter fishing sector’s share would thus be higher.
But a new allocation—all fisheries
measures, really—should be looking forward and not backwards, and consider what
the fishery looks like today, and will look like in the future, and not what it
looked like thirty or forty years ago.
And by those standards, the allocations allotted to the charter fishing
sector would be very small, as appropriate for a sector that accounts for such
a tiny proportion of overall trips, and so generates a very, very small
percentage of the social and economic benefits gleaned from the angling industry.
Yet even a separate allocation
doesn’t solve all the problems created by sector separation.
Consider, for example, the black
sea bass fishery off New
Jersey and the South Shore of Long Island.
For the most part, the ocean floor off that coast is composed of some
combination of mud, sand, and gravel, with very few natural rocky formations. Since black sea bass are a structure-oriented
fish, most of the fishing takes place on artificial reefs established to
enhance recreational fishing or on the remains of ships, barges, and aircraft
that were lost, due to war or mishap, somewhere off the coast.
Although some fish more on and
off such man-made structure throughout the season, for the most part, black sea
bass—and, in particular, legal-sized black sea bass—are far more abundant on
the first few days of a newly-opened season than they are later on in the year,
as recreational fishing pressure quickly cleans the larger fish off the wrecks
and reefs, leaving behind mostly undersized sea bass with just a handful of
individuals large enough for anglers to retain.
Regulations that opened a
for-hire season before the season for private-boat anglers began could quickly
strip the structure of most of the larger black sea bass, leaving little for
the great majority of recreational fishermen to enjoy. If for-hire anglers were gifted with a higher
bag limit than that allowed the rest of the angling community, it
wouldn’t take long before a few party boats, with forty, fifty, or more anglers
on board, picked a wreck clean of most of its legal fish, leaving little more
than undersized sea bass and a small handful of larger individuals for everyone
else.
Considering how likely such outcomes would be under any sort of sector separation scheme, and the very small proportion of recreational trips that might benefit if such a scheme was adopted, any upside sector separation might provide would seem to be far outweighed by its downsides.
The scoping
document tries to justify adopting different management measures for for-hire
and shore-based/private boat anglers by claiming that “the two sectors have
different motivations, preferences, fishing behaviors, operational needs, and
data reporting requirements,” but for at least the three demersal species—summer
flounder, scup, and black sea bass—those assertions are dubious at best, for all three are what anglers deem “meat fish,” species that are primarily pursued
because of their food value, are usually retained when caught, and do not
support meaningful catch-and-release fisheries.
In the case of all three species, anglers who pursue them, whether from shore, from private boats, or from for-hire vessels, go out with the intention to kill their catch and bring it home for personal consumption or, perhaps, to share with family and friends. All anglers would prefer the smallest minimum size, largest bag limit, and longest season that the science, regulators, and common sense might provide.
In motivation, preferences, and
fishing behavior, there is little separating them, regardless of the platform
they may choose, or be forced by circumstances, to fish from. (I
will
concede that the situation is different in the case of bluefish; during the same
2021-2023 period used to determine effort and landings for the various
recreational sectors, shore-based and private boat anglers released far more
bluefish than they landed, a smaller proportion was released by anglers on
charter boats, while party boat anglers kept significantly more fish than they
released.)
I’m not sure how the “operational needs” of for-hire anglers differs from those of the great majority of recreational fishermen, although I suspect many might travel for longer distances to get to the dock, and once there, they only need to find a seat and a place at the rail, and not need to maintain and operate a vessel like private boat anglers do.
As far as “data
reporting requirements” go, while for-hire operators often point to their mandatory
vessel trip reports as providing better data than the estimates provided by
MRIP, we must always remember the acronym “GIGO”—Garbage In, Garbage Out—coined
in an earlier era of computer use. While
we can hope that the for-hires’ trip reports are accurate, we
know that, in the past, for-hire captains have seemed oblivious—or,
perhaps, were willfully ignorant—of the fact that their customers were keeping
fish far in excess of the legal limit, with one New Jersey party boat operator
reportedly commenting that he
“did see fishermen keeping [out-of-season]
black sea bass, but said ‘I didn’t think it was that many [at least 819 illegal
fish on a single trip]. And I’m not
getting paid by the state of New Jersey to take fish out of people’s buckets.”
“Marine enforcement officers…saw what they
estimated was hundreds of pounds of fish being thrown overboard from a Montauk
party boat…
“As they continued the inspection of the
starboard side, there was a massive fish kill on the port side, with dead sea
bass floating all over the place…anglers who had [supposedly] not caught
anything during the trip [were] filing off the boat…
“When the dust cleared…there were a dozen
coolers left with no owners, which held more than 1,000 sea bass [although the
bag limit at that time was just three].”
With for-hire captains casting a
blind eye on such goings-on, one must wonder whether all of the legally caught
fish, not to mention any of the illegal ones, make it onto the
vessel trip reports that are supposedly accurate enough to justify special rules.
Yet despite all of the arguments
that can be made against sector separation, there is a very good chance that it
will be adopted in some form, and the reason is simple.
In George Orwell’s
novel, of the assemblage of rebellious livestock that established “Animal Farm,”
all but a few were subordinated to a handful of pigs who seized control of the
farm and decided its fate. A similar situation exists at the Mid-Atlantic
Council where, out of six seats held by representatives of the recreational sector,
five are held by members and/or former members of the for-hire fishing industry;
on most issues, such for-hire representatives tend to be supported by the
commercial representatives, who see them as fellow watermen in the business of
catching fish for their customers.
Thus, there are few, if any,
people sitting around the table to advocate for and represent the interests of
the shore-based and private boat anglers responsible for well over 90% of all
recreational trips taken in pursuit of Council-managed species; while state
fisheries managers try to represent all of their constituents fairly, private
anglers’ lack of representation is repeatedly evidenced by decisions that favor
the for-hire sector.
While there is some momentum
behind sector separation, the matter is still at the scoping stage, where the
issues are still being defined and stakeholder comment still has a real chance
to influence the outcome.
I encourage everyone to make
their views known.
Unless, of course, you’re
completely content with some anglers being more equal than others, and understand
that the “others” means you.
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