When any major fisheries management measure comes up for
debate, we can always be sure that we will hear someone bring up the concepts
of “fairness” and “equity.”
And most people, hearing that, would think, “Of course,”
because everyone wants to be fair.
At least in theory.
“If it becomes necessary to allocate or assign fishing
privileges among various United States fishermen, such allocation shall be fair
and equitable to all such fishermen…
[formatting omitted]”
But once we get away from Magnuson-Stevens, we find that
concepts of “fairness” and “equity” have no fixed meaning. For in fisheries, as in kindergartens, geopolitics,
and corporate management suites, if I get more than you, then things are
perfectly fair and equitable. I you get
more than me, everything is completely unfair, and corrective measures are
needed.
Striped bass management may provide the starkest
illustration of that truth.
Soon after the adoption of Amendment
7 to the Interstate Fishery Management Plan for Atlantic Striped Bass,
the fairness argument became weaponized by sectors and their advocates on the
Management Board, who began slinging it around indiscriminately and without a
solid logical basis, solely to gain advantage for themselves at the expense of
everyone else—and of the striped bass.
As strange as it sounds, special treatment for particular
sectors of the striped bass fishery is now being justified by some twisted
concept of “fairness.”
“if the concern of this body is the health of the resource,
and in five of the last six years removals have exceeded, the majority of the removals
have come from release mortality and not harvest, and this emergency action
focuses only on harvest.
“How could we in good conscience say we’re doing this purely
for the resource? We are doing this as a
de facto reallocation from the harvest fishery to the release fishery. The reallocation of such has a dramatic
impact on the demographics of the users of this resource. They are very different users. They come from very different backgrounds.
“They have a very different purpose. Not only is this not in the overall best
interest of the resource, but it severely impacts one demographic group over
another…”
It was a somewhat puzzling argument, given that the
purpose of the emergency action was to protect the majority of the large 2015
year class of striped bass, which was expected to be instrumental in rebuilding
the overfished striped bass stock, and also given that it kept everyone on
the same, level playing field, able to harvest the same, 28- to 31-inch
fish. But to Nowalsky, the motion was
somehow unfair, because it didn’t let one group of anglers to kill as many bass
as they wanted to.
But that is how the “fairness” argument typically goes. And most of the Management Board seemed to
understand that, so the motion Nowalsky opposed passed by a substantial margin.
Yet the debate over granting special privileges to the
commercial and for-hire fleets, and placing the greatest conservation burden on
shore-based and for-hire anglers—all in the name of “fairness”—was just gaining
steam.
For along with the effort to grant special privileges to the
for-hire fleet came the effort to prohibit catch-and-release angling during the
closed season, a prohibition that was never before put in place on a coastwide
basis, not even during the 1980s, when harvest moratoriums in most coastal
states helped fully restore what had been a collapsed striped bass stock. But the for-hire fleet—or, at least, that
portion of the fleet that specialized in serving up dead striped bass to its
customers—liked the idea, because such “no-target” closures, which theoretically
reduced or eliminated release mortality, would allow for a shorter closed
season, and let them get back to their business of killing striped bass that
much sooner.
Thus, at the same August 2023 Management Board meeting, we
saw New York’s Governor’s Appointee, Emerson Hasbrouck, speak in favor of such
no-target closures, saying
“Harvest and discard mortality have been pretty much evenly
split, in terms of which one comprised the majority of recreational removals
over the past 10 years. I don’t know why
we would not want to help address this high level of discard mortality by implementing
no targeting…
“I know there are enforcement issues…I have to think that there
will be compliance with no targeting, even if enforcement is problematic…
“I also understand that we can’t actually calculate what the
reduction in fishing mortality will be with a no-targeting closure. But we couldn’t calculate that for some of
the other things that we’ve implemented, circle hooks and no gaffing, but we
know that they are going to reduce mortality.
Similarly, with a no targeting closure it is going to reduce that
discard mortality.”
Hasbrouck didn’t play the “fairness” card at that point, but
it was only a matter of time before he became a leading advocate of reducing
recreational (but not commercial or for-hire) effort in the name of regulatory “fairness.”
Later on in the same meeting, he seconded a motion that
would include options granting special privileges to the for-hire fleet, not enjoyed
by other anglers, in the draft Addendum II to Amendment 7, which was going out
for public comment.
He rose yet again, to put a motion on the table that would have
removed a 14.5 percent reduction in the commercial striped bass quota from the
draft Addendum II, and so place all of the burden of rebuilding the striped
bass stock on the shoulders of recreational fishermen.
Apparently, neither granting the for-hire fleet special
privileges not enjoyed by other anglers, nor placing the entire responsibility
for rebuilding the striped bass stock on the shoulders of anglers offended his
notions of “fairness,” which seems more than a little absurd after we look at
his comments at subsequent meetings.
“…For most of the written comments and comments received at
then public hearing. The majority of
those commenters, again written and again at the public meetings, were
recreational fishermen, primarily? Is
that correct?...”
Upon learning that his assumption was true, he went on,
“However, our own [Advisory Panel] we have a more balanced
representation between recreational anglers, the for-hire industry and
commercial fishermen, so that provides us with a more balanced
representation. As I recall from your
presentation, the [Advisory Panel] and the majority, actually twice as many, I
think, members of the [Advisory Panel] supported Option C [granting special
privileges to the for-hire fleet] for the ocean fishery. There was also overwhelming support for
Option, I think it was Option A, status quo for the commercial reduction.”
Thus, his comments suggested, the great majority of the
public comment should be discounted, and the sector that generated about 90 percent
of all striped bass removals, and the vast majority of the social and economic
benefits gleaned from the fishery largely ignored, to the benefit of two
special interest groups, the
for-hire fleet, which accounted for less then two percent of all recreational
trips primarily targeting striped bass, and the commercial
sector, which was only responsible for about 10 percent of striped bass
removals, and which, from a purely economic perspective, probably shouldn’t
exist at all.
Yet Hasbrouck seems to see nothing “unfair” about his anti-angler
bias, as soon after making his comment, he seconded an ultimately unsuccessful
motion that would have allowed the for-hire fleet to retain striped bass that
must be released by the rest of the angling community.
Shortly thereafter, Maryland’s Luisi made not one, but three
different motions attempting to grant for-hire boats in the Chesapeake Bay a two-fish
bag limit, when the rest of the anglers could keep only one. In justifying his efforts, he said
“Fairness has been brought up, it has been discussed, and in
my opinion it’s very difficult for me to have two different sectors of the same
group. You have your…sport angler, your
catch and release angler and your for-hire captain, who is taking trips for
parties for the purpose of business. It’s
very difficult for me to look at those two individuals and believe that they
are one and the same.”
The problem with that argument, of course, is that the striped
bass bag limit isn’t intended to regulate for-hire captains—or to regulate
tackle shops, fuel docks, or any other angling-related business, all of which
are affected to some degree by striped bass regulations. The bag limit is applied to the individual
angler, and it is hard to argue that it is “unfair” for all anglers to be
governed by the same rules.
Although Luisi, in his efforts to aid the for-hire fleet,
fell back on the “fairness” argument anyway, even using it in support of what
would have been, from the anglers’ perspective, a very unfair rule that favored
one small group of anglers over everyone else.
His efforts finally raised the ire of a member of his own delegation,
Legislative Proxy David Sikorski, who fumed,
“Let’s stop trying to define people by the way they choose to
participate in the fishery, or what their opinion might be at the time you talk
to them. Stop this—sportsmen versus
clients versus these people or those people.
It is the general public, and I cannot support giving some people in the
general public two fish, when other people get one…”
He was talking about real “fairness”—creating a level
playing field for everyone—and enough people agreed that all of Luisi’s efforts
went for nought.
But that didn’t stop some Board members efforts to create
special rules and exemptions for a privileged group of stakeholders. Once the recreational sizes and bag limits
were addressed, John Clark, the Delaware fisheries manager, made a motion to leave
the commercial quota unchanged, a motion which would have, again, placed the
entire burden of striped bass recovery on the recreational sector. He seemed to reject the “fairness” argument,
saying
“I understand how there is a concern that if the recreational
side has to do something, then the commercial side has to do it. But once again, I said when we first started
this addendum process, we weren’t even talking about taking anything away from
the commercial, because we recognized what a small part of reduction in the
striped bass numbers were out there.”
Why the commercial sector shouldn’t, in “fairness,” make an
equally small contribution to the bass’ recovery wasn’t quite clear.
Hasbrouck seconded Clark’s motion, justifying has action by arguing
“everyone will benefit from an increase in the population of
striped bass. But we’re trying to deal right
now with this large increase in recreational removals. Again, I think it’s disingenuous for us to
put a lot of that onus on the commercial fishery, when they haven’t been part
of the problem that we’re looking to address.”
Apparently, in his mind, the 10 percent of striped bass removals
attributable to the commercial fishery didn’t contribute to the present,
depleted condition of the striped bass stock.
Thus, it was apparently “fair” for the commercial sector to share fully
in any increase in the striped bass population, but “disingenuous”—that is,
dishonest or duplicitous, and so even worse than “unfair”—to make the
commercial sector responsible for 10 percent of the species’ recovery.
Maybe, if you’re biased against the recreational sector—or biased
in favor of the commercials and for-hires, which amounts to about the same
thing—that makes some sort of sense although, if you believe that everyone
should share the burdens and the benefits of a striped bass recovery equally,
the logic is pretty hard to see.
The shenanigans continued after the effort to leave the
commercial quota untouched had failed. That’s
when Luisi moved to cut the commercial reduction by seven percent, as opposed
to the 14 percent reduction faced by the recreational sector. Jeff Kaelin, the Governor’s Appointee from
New Jersey, seconded. The motion then
passed by a narrow majority, which apparently saw nothing “unfair” about the
disparate conservation burdens.
The Board was deciding whether to take any action to protect
the slightly above-average 2018 year class of striped bass, which would have
grown into the slot by 2025 or, in the alternative, take no action for the 2025
season, but instead initiate a new addendum that would go into effect in 2026.
In the ocean fishery, the only practical way to achieve the needed
harvest reduction was a season, and there was a legitimate discussion about
what season would be fair to all—that is, the season that would require
everyone to give up something, without placing too much of a burden on anyone,
or letting any state get away without making a significant contribution to the
recovery of the striped bass stock.
Once again, the issue of no harvest versus no target
closures arose, and it came in a pair of hypocritical statements extreme enough
to define the entire striped bass “fairness” debate. And once again, they were made by New York’s Governor’s
Appointee, Emerson Hasbrouck, who said
“As a Commissioner in New York, representing all citizens of
the state of New York, one of the things that I’m concerned about is
equity. A couple of things that I’ve
heard through a lot of the public comment, is that a lot of people say we
should take some action here today, and that all sectors need to participate in
that reduction. However, there seems to
be an exception being made by the public, an exception for catch and release.
“Some of the language is that many anglers could still
participate in the fishery if catch and release is allowed. But if we’re reducing removals, don’t we want
to reduce all removals?..
“Perhaps in the [Advisory Panel] or public comment about how
are we going to be equitable here with telling some components of the
recreational fishery, you can’t go fishing, and perhaps a reduction in the
commercial fishery, and at the same time saying, oh, but it’s okay if we
continue to allow a segment of the recreational fishery to keep catching fish
and discarding and applying that 9 percent mortality…”
Later on in the meeting, he continued expounding on the same
theme:
“This motion [to consider no target closures] an issue that
has been concerning me, and that issue is equity and inequity. You know reading through the public comment,
the public comment summary, the [Advisory Panel] report, speaking with
fishermen, and as a Commissioner representing all citizens in the state of New
York, I see that there is an inequity here in not addressing catch and release.
“We know that catch and release doesn’t remove as many fish,
and when I say remove, I don’t mean just harvest, I mean dead discards as
well. But a lot of the comment is that
everybody needs to sacrifice, because everybody will benefit. But then there is always the caveat, except
we can’t have no targeting, because by not having no targeting it provides an
opportunity for anglers to continue fishing.
“To me that is somewhat disingenuous, and I know that no
targeting is difficult to enforce. But we’ve
been ignoring the removals by people who continue to target striped bass during
closed seasons and otherwise…”
It’s hard to know where to start when dissecting those
comments, although the first thing that sticks out is Hasbrouck’s claim that he
is “representing all citizens of the state of New York,” a claim that is
patently false because, as much as one might read through the transcripts of
Management Board meetings, one will never find a time when Hasbrouck
represented the most populous group of New York participants in the striped
bass fishery—the recreational fishermen.
Instead, we will find times, as described above, when he
tried to discount the public comments submitted by thousands of anglers, in
favor of those made by a handful of commercial fishermen and for-hire
operators.
We will find multiple occasions when he actively supported
leaving commercial quotas untouched, so that those same anglers will have to
bear the entire burden of bass conservation (something that he did later in the
December meeting, when he seconded a motion to cut the commercial quota
reduction from nine to a trivial one percent and, when that motion failed, made
another motion to cut the quota reduction from nine percent to five), and times
when he supported increasing for-hire landings at the same time that
shore-based and private boat landings was reduced.
But we will not find a single time that he supported
New York’s recreational striped bass fishermen, whom he always cast in a
subordinate role.
We will find him asking “don’t we want to reduce all
removals?” in an effort to burden the recreational catch-and-release fishery,
at the same time that he seeks to minimize, or even eliminate, cuts to the
commercial quota, and seeks to increase the for-hire kill.
Worse, we find him misrepresenting the nature of the
recreational fishery by pretending that there are two separate components—one catch-and-release,
one catch-and-kill—when the reality is that most striped bass anglers keep some
of their fish while intentionally releasing others, with some emphasizing
harvest and some emphasizing sport, but with most engaging in both activities. So, when he said that allowing
catch-and-release in the closed season would be “telling some components of the
recreational fishery, you can’t go fishing,” he was telling a blatant lie,
because all components of the recreational fishery could go
fishing during such a closure, just as no component of the
recreational fishery could harvest a fish during that time. Such a situation represents true equity,
with all components of the recreational fishery treated the same, something
that Hasbrouck, with his apparent dislike for catch-and-release angling,
refuses to admit—perhaps even to himself.
In the end, what is truly disingenuous is a Management Board
member who is willing to give commercial fishermen a pass when it comes to
reducing their quota, and is willing to increase the for-hires’ kill, but then
focuses on limiting catch-and-release angling as a necessary component of any
rebuilding plan.
In the end, that abject hypocrisy might sum up the “fairness”
argument better than anything else.
“Fairness” isn’t about treating everyone equally. It isn’t about expecting everyone to do their
share to recover the fishery.
Instead, it’s about indulging your personal biases, and
labeling everything you don’t like as “unfair.”